DRDO exists to Protect the Nation and not the Other Way Around
by Varun Ramachandra and Nitin Pai
It is not in India’s national interest to continue to run public sector
organisations like DRDO if they are inefficient and not meeting their
objectives
Recently, the Defence Institute of High Altitude Research — a Defence
Research and Development Organisation(DRDO) laboratory — inked an
agreement with Patanjali Ayurveda Limited for a non-exclusive license
through transfer of technology on nutritional products.
The agreement was signed under the DRDO – FICCI Accelerated Technology
Assessment & Commercialisation programme which “aims to create a
commercial pathway to deliver technologies developed by DRDO for
appropriate commercial markets for use in civilian products and
services.” Previous deals under the programme have been with business
houses like Dabur Ltd, Gujarat Fluorochemicals Ltd, Bhilai Engineering
Corporation to name a few.
The DRDO is not involved in production of equipment, instead it is
primarily responsible for research and development till the
transfer-of-technology(ToT) stage. The move to rope in Patanjali to
popularise DRDO’s seabuckthorn based nutritional products is well
within its mandate. But it must also be noted that many critical
projects under DRDO that have a direct bearing on combat preparedness
like the Light Combat Aircraft and Kaveri jet engine are delayed by
several years.
Therefore, it is important to examine the raison d’ĂȘtre for DRDO in the
first place. The organisation was set up in 1958 with the objective of
providing the Indian armed forces with indigenous scientific and
technological support. In 2015, 57 years after the formation of the
DRDO, India continues to rely on imports to meet its domestic defence
demands. This clearly indicates a mismatch in the said objectives and
the achieved outcomes of the DRDO(and other public sector undertakings
that are involved in defence).
In 2007, the government set up a committee chaired by Dr. P Rama Rao to
specifically improve the operations of DRDO. The committee’s report
suggested a breakdown of the organisation into smaller manageable units
along with merging several of its laboratories with other institutions.
The committee’s recommendations have been implemented in a half-hearted
manner. The DRDO is far from reaching the operational efficiency of
similar organisations from across the world and successive governments
have continued to spend money, inefficiently, on DRDO.
From a financial point of view, national security is a delicate
relationship between the taxpayer and the armed forces. Hence, it is
incumbent upon the armed forces to equip itself with the best available
technologies, be it domestic or international. In such a scenario, if
Indian organisations are unable to meet the armed forces’ requirements
it is natural and expected of the forces to look elsewhere to meet its
primary goal of national defence.
The operational costs of running an organisation like DRDO run into
several thousand crores. If such an organisation is inefficient and not
meeting its objectives, it is not in India’s national interest to
continue to run these organisations, especially when taxpayers money is
involved. The same money can be used elsewhere to meet other national
objectives.
Cloaking reforms under patriotism or indigenisation has resulted in a
state where India imports large chunk of its equipment, but is reticent
to allow FDI in defence manufacturing. The Indian defence establishment
too has called for indigenisation to avoid being coerced by exporters in
the hour of need, a problem that can be solved by developing strong
economic ties with all exporting countries and/or by procuring from
countries where the economic ties are already in place. It is worth
reinforcing the fact that defence is a sector where anything short of
excellence is a failure.
The dogmatic approach towards indigenisation since independence has
yielded limited fruit. It has largely resulted in policy capture by
public sector undertakings in the name of indigenisation. The net result
is that the domestic industry is incapable of meeting India’s defence
requirements and the political economy of reforms has ensured that many
PSUs are in a rut.
Indigenisation is a lofty goal that is worth pursuing. Until the goal is
reached, defence requirements continue to exist. Therefore, the path
towards indigenisation need not be studded with inefficient public
sector undertakings. Instead, actively allowing private players and FDI
in the defence sector can inject competition and contestability. This
will also allow Indian industries to acquire the necessary competence to
deliver world-class results.
The government must urgently implement the recommendations of the P Rama
Rao committee to restructure DRDO. The DRDO must focus on projects of
importance and align its project priorities with that of the defence
establishment. India can ill afford inefficient institutions for they
have far reaching fiscal and social consequences. Moreover, DRDO exists
to protect the nation and not the other way around.
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